David Bernabé Gil. University of Alicante
(6) In the case of Bajo Segura, at. J. MILLÁN Y GARCÍA-VÁRELA: rentiers…, pp. 112-120, 217-225, 288-297; "The city and the lords. The crisis of the royal royalties in the south of the Valencian Country”, Contemporary History Studies of the Country of Valencia, n.° 2, Valencia, 1981, pp. 61-98; D. BERNABE GIL: “The Santangels…”. The problems arise in a similar way in the area of the city of Játiva (at. C. SARTHOU CARRES: Data for the history of Játiva, Imp. suces. from Bellver, játiva, 1933,1, pp. 407-444). And also in Alicante, Alcira and, in general, in the terms of those other royal towns where lordships were registered (on the subject of pastures there are references, for Alcira, in D. OF LARIO: "Courts of the reign of Felipe IV. I. Valencian Courts of 1626”, University of Valencia, 1973, pp. 127-129. And for Alicante, and V. MARTINEZ MORELLA: "Inventory of the Municipal Archive of Alicante (1252-1283)”, Alicante Town Hall, 1974, pp. 61, 64, 65, 67.
(7) In the case of grasses and "amprius", not because they were assisted by the foral legislation, favorable to the safeguarding of community rights; but by imposition of the lords, converted into custom and sanctioned by legitimate prescription. (About the Bajo Segura, offer an approach to the topic, still pending study, the works cited in the previous note).
(8) To cite just a few examples, they buy the baronal jurisdiction or the “gubernatorio nomine” on a temporary basis, the alfonsinos lords of Villafranqueza, in 1604 (A. ALBEROLA ROME: Op. cit., p. 455); of Benejuzar, in 1626, confirmed in perpetuity in 1645 (A. C. A.: C. A.: leg. 891, exp. 81; A. M. O.: N.° 1.061, ff. 13v-17); by Cox, in 1630 (A. C. A.: C. A.: leg. 619, exp. 14), from La Granja and Agost, in 1646 (A. C. A.: C. A.: Leg. 659, exp. 57/1). They try to get it, unsuccessfully, the lord of Jacarilla in 1700 (A. C. A.: C. A.: Leg. 858, exp. 4) and Rafal's, in 1636 (A. C. A.: C. A.: Leg. 587, exp. 44). Yes the latter gets it, instead, on Puebla, in 1631, but without having reached the alfonsina before (A. C. A.: C. A.: Leg. 635, exp. 13/26). The sale of the mere empire to the Alfonsino lords must have been quite widespread, Well, already in cuts of 1604 some gentlemen asked for it (E. CISCAR PALLARES: "The Valencian Courts of Felipe III", University of Valencia, 1973, p. 161). And in 1626 the royal arm begged the King "to help not to grant similar concessions of jurisdiction, that indeed, and in truth, even if he wants to color them with the said title of gubernatorial nomine, they are real alienations and separations from the said Real Patrimony" (D. OF LARIO: Cortes… of 1626, p. 132). As can be verified by the chronology of the examples adduced, the request was ignored.
(9) The development of the indicated characteristics is taking shape throughout the medieval period and at the beginning of modernity they already constitute common features..
(10) P. ALBEROLA PLAN: Op. cit. I, f. 302.
(11) For example, the town and barony of Albatera, belonging to the terms of the city of Orihuela. But it's not very often, apparently, this situation. It is more common for stately villas to constitute their own and independent demarcation of any royal municipality, as it happens —to name a few with Gandía, Elche, because in the past there should not have been a suitable climate in essentially Moorish lands, Cocentaina, etc. Some of these even obtained the title of city. Every stately villa presupposes, in principle, the enjoyment of baronal jurisdiction by the lord, which gives rise to disputes due to competition issues between it and the town, for both parties may claim possession of mere empire.
(12) it happens like this, for example, with the lordship of Bañeres, acquired in 1446 by the royal villa of Bocairente, which was incorporated as a place of royalty (CULTURAL GROUP D´INVESTIGACIO: "Bathtubs, Geographical and cultural historical study of the town, Mariola bathtubs", 1986, pp. 35-51). In 1487 the same town also acquired the place of Alfafara (F. VAÑÓ SILVESTRE: "Bocairente. The designation of authorities by insaculation”, First Congress on the History of the Valencian Country, Valencia, 1976, III, p. 189). The stately places of Pina and Las Barracas were bought by the royal town of Jérica in 1585 (Emilia SALVADOR ESTEBAN: "Valencian courts of the reign of Felipe II", University of Valencia, 1973, p. 151; LL. MARIN GUIDE: "Courts of the reign of Felipe IV. II”. “Valencian Courts of 1645”, University of Valencia, 1984, p. 366). In 1582 the royal town of Penáguila tried to acquire the places of Alcoleja and Benifallim, but in this case they remained under seigneurial jurisdiction (LL. MARIN GUIDE: Cortes… of 1645, f. 151). In other cases, the royal places are simply old communities that did not achieve villazgo privileges..
(13) Sources on which the information collected in TABLE I is based:
a) A. M. O.: N.° 1.250. Demarcation of Callosa, ff. 6-20.
b) A. R. V.: “Royal Chancery. different", n.° 357, ff. 81v-98v.
c) y d) A. M. A.: Arm. 5, n.° 46 Y 49 respectively.
e) C. SARTHOU CARRES: Op. cit., pp. 425-428; Already. R. V.: “Royal Chancery. different", n.° 357, ff. 106-120.
f) A. R. V.: “Royal Chancery. different", n.° 353, ff. 167-179v.
g) “Great Encyclopedia of the Valencian Region”, Valencia, 1973, III, p. 31. h) Ibid, V, p. 163.
i) A. ANGUIZ PAJARÓN and C.. MARCO CREAMS: “From the Ibense past”, Savings Bank of Alicante and Murcia, Alicante, 1981.
j) A. R. V.: “Royal Chancery. different", n.° 357, ff. 64v-81v.
k) E. CASSANOVA: "Real privilege for what is dismembered Agullent de Onteniente, granted by Felipe II in 1585”, History of Spanish Law Yearbook, LI, Madrid, 1981, pp. 619-639.
l) CULTURAL RESEARCH GROUP: Op. cit., pp. 61-66.
m) P. MADOZ: "Geographical-statistical-historical dictionary of Alicante, Castellón and Valencia”, Valencia, 1982, I, p. 50.
In this work and in the "Great Encyclopedia of the Valencian Region" it is sometimes alluded to, but not always, to the aforementioned university privileges, in the voices corresponding to said municipalities.
Population data come from P. BORONAT AND BARRACHINA: “The Spanish Moors and their expulsion. Historical-critical study”, Imp. Francisco Vives and Mora, Valencia, 1901, I, pp. 428-442. The figures in parentheses correspond to 1617 (Maria Milagros PRISON ORTI: “The Diocese of Valencia in 16172”, Anales Valentinos, n.° 7, 1978, p. 90).
(14) The case of Monforte could be added to the list, probably segregated with a university degree from the city of Alicante, before 1613. in said year, when the word university already had a precise meaning, the Adviser of the General Bailiwick of Orihuela, D. Luis Ocana, referred to "the City of Alicante, Universities of Monfort, Muchamel and San Juan and Benimagrell and the general terms of said City" (L. OF OCAÑA: "Book of chapters with which the Royal rights that His Majesty has in the Governorship and Baylia General of Oriola and Alicante are leased and collected with the declarations of how they are executed and practiced", Imp. of August Martinez, oriola, 1613, p. 156). induces doubt, but nevertheless, the statement of the chronicler Viravens regarding Monforte: “elevated to the category of Royal University, I continue to be part of our term (Alicante) the jurisdiction of its Justice being very limited, which swore the position in the hands of this City, of which he was a lieutenant until the year 1706” (R. VIRAVENS PASTOR: "Chronicle of the very illustrious and always faithful city of Alicante", Alicante, 1876, reimp. facsimile in 1976, p. 51). As will be said later, the justices of the universities were not habitually subjected to this type of subordination, although there are some exceptions in addition to the hypothetical case of Monforte. sea guard, included in the municipality of Orihuela, it had lost its status as a royal town and the vote in courts in the mid-14th century due to infidelity to the Crown; thereafter and until 1690 usually listed as place or university, although he did not obtain an express title for it, and his justice also swore the position before that of Orihuela. But Guardamar always enjoyed magistrates elected autonomously by the neighboring community and could be considered, except in that matter, as a municipality with full rights, enjoying administrative and financial autonomy. In 1691 bought the privilege of villazgo from the Crown (A. M. O.: N.° 1.249; A. C. A.: C. A.: Leg. 630, exp. 68). Exceptional character also had, and for similar reason, the justice of the town of Morvedre, because he was a lieutenant of the city of Valencia. It shouldn't surprise, so, that in the multiple litigations that Orihuela and Guardamar maintained during the foral period, the special situation of Morvedre was almost always invoked by one of the parties.
(15) Actually, if we except Muchamiel and some villages of Morella, we didn't find any. The villages of Morella constitute one more exception to the attempt at systematization that is intended here. According to .1. Sánchez Adell "the Morellan community represents an absolutely unique and singular event within Valencian history: a type of territorial and political organization typical of the extremaduras of Castilla and Aragón in the 12th century that was implanted in the lands of Morellana when they were in the 13th century., assume the role of initial chapter of the Valencian reconquest. This type of organization corresponds to a certain modality of repopulation whose late application in Morella will have, but nevertheless, four and a half long centuries of validity (…) until its dissolution in 1691. (J. SANCHEZ ADELL: "The Community of Morella and its villages during the Late Middle Ages (Notes and documents)”, Castellonencs Studies, n.° 2, Castellon, 1983, pp. 81-82). At. also J. SAFE SWEEP: "Morella and its villages", imp. the F. Javier Soto, Morella, 1868, 3 vols., spec. I, pp. 198-201 Y 205 y ss., where the failure of previous emancipatory attempts and jurisdictional relations are alluded to until in 1691 several villages acquire village privilege.
(16) J. G. CASEY: “The Moors and the depopulation of Valencia”, in J. H. ELLIOTH: "Power and society in the Spain of the Habsburgs", Criticism, Barcelona, 1982, pp. 224-247.
(17) The erection of Catral in university was already planned in 1599, in an assembly that its inhabitants celebrated in the parish of the place. When Orihuela had knowledge of the plot, declared the board or “consell” illegal, because it had met without a license from the City and the possibility of filing a criminal complaint was even raised. In addition to losing much of the jurisdiction over the place if it obtained the title of university, Orihuela stated that many of its neighbors owned land in Catral and they would be incurred expenses and contributions if the dismemberment was granted (A. M. O.: “1599 answering machine”, ff. 31-32). All this did not prevent 1604 Catral negotiated to obtain the privilege with the Crown and although no agreement was reached on the price, when the chapters were already drafted and approved (A. C. A.: C. A.: Leg. 864, exp. 243), in 1607 Y 1609 negotiations were still going on, because the city of Orihuela continued to send letters to the Crown to try to prevent segregation (A. M. O.: “1607 answering machine”, f. 406; “1609 answering machine”, f. 395).
(18) For the Spanish case, at. A. DOMINGUEZ ORTIZ: "Sales and exemptions of places during the reign of Felipe IV", History of Spanish Law Yearbook, n.° 34, Madrid, 1964, pp. 163-207 (collected later in Institutions and society in the Spain of the Habsburgs, Ariel, Barcelona, 1985, pp. 54-96). Although the study focuses on the reign of Felipe IV, there are references to earlier times. Suffice it to indicate that in the Castilian courts of 1565, 1566, 1570 Y 1592 It was already about the sale of villas (pp. 73-74). It is convenient to insist, on the other hand, in the non-existence of this municipal category —that of university— in Castilla, so it was passed directly from place to royal villa. And we have not detected it in the other kingdoms of the Crown of Aragon either., contemplating itself as a strictly Valencian peculiarity. The meaning of the word university in those kingdoms is similar to the one it had in Valencia before its configuration as a municipal rank with certain jurisdictional powers., must be interpreted in its primitive meaning of neighborhood community. It does not follow from this, necessarily, the non-existence of municipalities with a jurisdictional rank comparable to that of the Valencian universities to which we refer, but in such a case its appearance obeys a different legal development. The reason for this uniqueness is explained by the private nature of each regional regime and, specifically, of the jurisdiction that is adopted to define the jurisdictional range of the university: the alfonsino privilege of 1329.
(19) Also the one corresponding to Catral, that was not shipped, It's similar. Callosa's privileges have been consulted, Almoradí, Muchamiel, San Juan and Benimagrell, Algemesí, the pottery, there, the plaster, Agullente and Bañeres (Documentary references in supra, note 13). The analysis that follows is applicable to the first nine and also to that of Bañeres, as long as the nuances or variations that this last case presents are not specified.
(20) The privilege of Bañeres contains 35 chapters and the royal response to all of them is invariable: "Please your Majesty", which indicates that it only reflects the final result of the negotiation, unlike the rest.
(21) We cannot expand now on the development of the powers that make up the jurisdiction of Alfonso and that appear explicitly invoked in the title of university, occupying eight chapters of privilege. It may be worth pointing out, apart from the granting of full civil jurisdiction and low criminal, the authorization to build a prison for the custody of criminals. In the case of Bañeres, only one chapter alludes to jurisdiction and briefly, granting himself the civil and criminal rights enjoyed by the man who sold the place in 1446; this is, the alfonsine.
(22) Of the Alfonsino manors mentioned in "supra", note 4, Villafranqueza is created in 1592, Lloch Nou by En Fenollet in 1605, Benejuzar in 1607, Benferri and 1622, Rafael in 1636. Even in baronial territory, the colonization and acquisition of the alfonsino jurisdiction is carried out, as it happens between 1592 Y 1608 in the County of Cocentaina with the estates of Rahal Franch, Cela and Benamer (P. ALBEROLA PLAN: Op. cit., I, ff. 890-892, 911-915).
(23) Four juries are generally awarded to the universities with the largest population, like Algemesí or Callosa, and three to the smallest.
(24) On the gradual appropriation, by the crown, of the municipal notary offices in Valencia, it will suffice to refer to the particular requests expressed by the royal arm in the courts of the 17th century (At. E. CISCAR PALLARES: Cortes… of 1604, pp. 51, 89; D. OF LARIO: Cortes… of 1626, pp. 133, 139, 144, 145, 152, 158, 165; LL. MARIN GUIDE: Cortes… of 1645, pp. 282-283, 302, 343-344, 388, 394, 397).
(25) Since the first half of the fifteenth century the insaculatory system had been implanted in the Valencian municipalities, as in the rest of the Crown of Aragon. Without pretending to offer a complete list, had obtained privilege of insaculation before 1570: játiva (1427), Orihuela (1445), Castellon (1446. But it was revoked in 1476 and did not recover, modified, until 1590), Alicante (1459), morvedre (reign of Ferdinand II), Alcoy (1503), Bocairente (1561). Cf. J. Maria TORRAS I RIBE: "The Catalan municipalities of the Old Regime", curial, Barcelona, 1983, p. 103; F. A. ROCATRAVER: "Municipal regulations of Castellón de la Plana during the late Middle Ages", Valencian Institute of Historical Studies, Valencia, 1952; M. SERRANO STREAMS: “Insaculation and municipal oligarchy. Contribution to the study of the municipal government of Castellón at the end of the 16th century”, Jerome Zurita. His time and his school, Zaragoza, 1986, pp. 353-361; F. WILD VAIN: Op. cit.; A. ALBEROLA ROMA and J.. HINOJOSA MONTALVO: “The establishment of the insacculatory system in the southern territories of the Valencian Country. Alicante, 1459”, communication presented at the "International Congress Lluis de Santangel and his time", Valencia, 1987 (unprecedented). D. BERNABE GIL: “Centralism and municipal autonomy in Orihuela. From Ferdinand the Catholic to “viraje filipino” ”, Studies, n.° 12, Valencia, 1985/86, pp. 31 s ss.
(26) At the beginning of the 17th century, the distribution of land ownership in both municipalities presented great internal diversity., which constitutes an index of existing social inequality, despite the fact that some large owners may have lived in Orihuela. At. the figures in D. BERNABE GIL: “La Vega Baja del Segura on the eve of the expulsion of the Moors: structure of land ownership., in Structures and regimes of land tenure in Spain, Department of agriculture, Fishing and Food, 1987, p. 72. In relation to the class distribution of the neighborhood, we can only indicate that 1559 nine individuals residing in Callosa enjoyed military privilege, and two in Almoradi (A. M. 0.:N.° 980, standard of the blemish imposed for the court service 1552).
(27) At. the conditions in which the residents of Bañeres participated, in the insaculación of Bocairente, in CULTURAL RESEARCH GROUP, Op. cit., pp. 56-61.
(28) The institutional reinforcement of the clavary is detected, for example, in Orihuela, in the "Privilege of the New Regiment", granted by Felipe II, in 1569 (A. C. A.: C. A.: Leg. 775, exp. 7).
(29) The implementation of the rational as supervisory judge of the local treasury, crown appointed, it had taken place in the capital of the Kingdom in late medieval times, consolidating during the reign of Ferdinand the Catholic (E. BELENGUER CEBRIÁ: "Valencia in the crisis of the 15th century", editions 62, Barcelona, 1976, p. 40). In the first half of the 16th century we already find rational in Játiva (C. SARTHOU CARRES: Op. cit., I, p. 218). In 1569 makes its appearance in Orihuela (A. C. A.: C. A.: Leg. 775, exp. 7); and in Alicante the first mention of this office dates from 1574 (A. ALBEROLA ROME: “An official of the local Valencian treasury during the 16th and 17th centuries. The rational of Alicante”, paper presented at the VI Days of Local Histories Studies. State taxation and local treasury (ss. 16th to 19th), Palma de Mallorca, 1986 (unprecedented).
(30) Although Fernando el Católico already tried to control the local haciendas, In the Kingdom of Valencia, the development of the residence visit as an extraordinary procedure to demand accountability of municipal officials is later.. It seems to consolidate during the decade of 1620, but already during the reign of Felipe II it is possible to detect royal inquiries about municipal administrations in cities like Orihuela and Alicante.
(31) About the city of Valencia, at. I. GARCIA DE CACERES: "Taxes of the city of Valencia during the foral period", Valencia, 1909; 3. BRINES BLASCO and Carmen PÉREZ APARICIO: "Approach to the tax system of the city of Valencia (16th to 19th centuries)”, affairs, n.° 4, catarrh, 1986, II, pp. 357-376. About Orihuela, D. BERNABE GIL: "The municipal taxation in a Valencian city during the foral period. Orihuela, 1568-1707”, communication presented at the VI Conference of Studies… (unprecedented).
(32) News about these lawsuits and concords for the,the case of La Ollería, in C. SARTHOU CARRES: Op. cit., I, pp. 425-426. For Algemesí, A. R. V.: Madrid processes, letter A, n.° 112. for calloused, A. M. O.: “Callosa demarcation, passim. For Agullente”, E. CASSANOVA: Op. cit., p. 621. Para This, A. ANGUIZ PAJARON and C.. MARCO CREAMS: Op. cit. in cuts of 1626 Alcira requests that the terms assigned to Carcagente and Algemesí be reviewed again (D. OF LARIO: Cortes… of 1626, p. 125).
(33) be understood, by M, the parent city or town; and by N, the university that falls apart.
(34) Sources on which the information offered in Table II is based:
a) A. M. O.: N.° 1.249. 1557-1687, ff. 97-107; Already. R. V. Bailia, n.° 1.208, ff. 565v-574.
b) R. VIRAVENS PASTOR: Op. cit., p. 55.
c), d) and e) C. SARTHOU CARRES: Op. cit., I, pp. 425-432.
f) and i) P. MADOZ: Op. cit., I, p. 54.
g) great encyclopedia…, III, p. 31.
h) A. ANGUIZ PAJARÓN and C.. MARCO CREAMS: Op. cit., pp. 148-159.
(35) At. supra, grades 14 Y 15.
(36) The jurisdictional range is similar, so, to the Castilian villas. With everything, the uniformity, in the Spanish case it should have been less (At. Concepcion DE CASTRO: “The liberal revolution and the Spanish municipalities. 1812-1868”, alliance, Madrid, 1979, pp. 28-29).
(37) A. C. A.: C. A.: Leg. 635, exp. 13.
(38) Unless otherwise indicated, The following information is based on the sources cited in "supra", note 34. And especially in the only two privileges whose full text we know: those of Callosa and Ibi; the latter in its version in Spanish.
(39) The list of cities and towns with a vote in courts during the 16th and 17th centuries can be consulted in Sylvia ROMEU ALFARO: "Valencian courts", Three and four, Valencia, 1985, p. 73.
(40) LL. MARIN GUIDE: Cortes… of 1645, p. 55. Also to. C. A.: C. A.: Leg. 889, exp. 175. The same would probably happen with Muchamiel., because it was summoned and even presented proposals, collected as royal arm cutting acts (Ibid, p. 54).
(41) Apparently, it was in 1585 when the privilege of insaculation was granted to what was then the University of Ibi (Cf. A. ANGUIZ PAJARÓN and C.. MARCO CREAMS: Op. cit., p. 167).
(42) In the case of Callosa, A. M. 0.: N.° 1.249. 1557-1687, passim, and answering machine 1638, ff. 406v-410v. For those of Ollería, Castle of Vilanova and Beniganim, C. SARTHOU CARRES: Op. cit., I, pp. 427-432.
(43) At. J. G. CASEY: "The kingdom of Valencia in the 17th century", curial, Barcelona, 1981, pp. 276-279.
(44) P. ALBEROLA PLAN: Op. cit., I, ff. 242-258, 616-620.
(45) The fourth chapter of said pragmatics expressed: “But the causes that really touch the universities of all the places of the said Order, can be evoked at the request of the said universities to the Royal Court and Governments, as it has been declared with sentences published in the Supreme Council of Aragon” in 1581 the procession began in Valencia 1584. And the ninth chapter began like this: “The dismembering and erecting of universities, with the creation of new magistrates to exercise jurisdiction, although it is intended, belongs to us". Teresa CANET APARISI: “The Valencian Court in the modern foral era”, Alfons the Magnanimous, Valencia, 1986, pp. 222 Y 223. It becomes manifest, In this play, the strengthening of said court during the reign of Felipe II.
(46) At. the general approach in J. G. CASEY: The regne of Valencia…, pp. 191-204.
(47) A. ANGUIZ PAJARÓN and C.. MARCO CREAMS: Op. cit., pp. 167-168, 155.
(48) LL. MARIN GUIDE: Cortes…, of 1645, pp. 391-398.
(49) A. C. A.: C. A.: Leg. 889, exp. 9 Y 10.
(50) A. C. A.: C. A.: Leg. 782, exp. 40/3.
(51) On the crisis of municipal finances, at. J. G. CASEY: The regne of Valencia…, pp. 177-190.
(52) A. M. O.: “Royal Provisions, 1523-1617”, ff. 246 s ss. and "Handcraft books referring to the 17th century".
(53) C. SARTHOU CARRES: Op. cit., I, pp. 426-232.
(54) IX. MARIN GUIDE: Cortes…, of 1645, p. 319.
(55) The comparison between the neighborhoods of 1609 Y 1645, for the emancipated municipalities, returns the following data:
MUNICIPALITY / NEIGHBORHOOD IN 1609 / NEIGHBORHOOD IN 1645 / DESCENT IN %
Callosa: 530 / 273 / 48,5
Almoradí: 250 / 84 / 66,4
Muchamiel: 400 / 360 / 10,0
San Juan and Benimagrell: 230 / 216 / 6,10
Castellon de Vilanova: 290 / 189 / 34,8
Benignim: 300 / 289 / 3,7
pottery: 430 / 315 / 26,7
Algemesí: 480 / 344 / 28,3
freighter: 420 / 401 / 4,5
Guadasuar: 240 / 164 / 31,7
there: 310 / 304 / 1,9
the plaster: ¿? / 101 / ¿?
sharp: 270 / 150 / 44,4
Bañeres: (100) / 86 / 14,0
Alfafara: (60) / 63 /
Fuentes: For 1609, P. BORONAT AND BARRACHINA: Op. cit., I, pp. 428-442 and to 1645, P. PEREZ PUCHAL: "Geography of the Valencian population", The Star, Valencia, 1976, pp. 43-61.
(56) LL. MARIN GUIDE: Cortes…, of 1645, pp. 392 Y 385-386, respectively.
(57) A. C. A.: C. A.: Leg. 727, exp. 82.
(58) Besides J.. G. CASEY: The regne of Valencia…, pp. 178-179, at. also the data it offers, by the end of the six hundred, F. ANDRES ROBRES: “Credit and land ownership in the Valencian Country”, Alfons the Magnanimous, Valencia, 1987, pp. 33-66.
(59) R. VIRAVENS PASTOR: Op. cit., p. 57 y LL. MARIN GUIDE: Cortes…, of 1645, p. 303.
(60) Even though, apparently, it retained the title of town and soon became independent again. So says R.. VIRAVENS PASTOR: Op. cit., p. 55.
(61) A. M. O.: answering machine 1656, ff. 172-172v.
(62) LL. MARIN GUIDE: Cortes…, of 1645, pp. 385-398.
(63) To Castellon from Vilanova, Ibid, p. 386. About Callosa, their trustees stated in 1640, 1649 Y 1676, that the annual repartimientos and the sisas were already excessive and it was feared the depopulation of the town to continue the fiscal pressure (A. C. A.: C. A.: Leg. 718, exp. 68; Leg. 727, exp. 82; Leg. 810, exp. 30/26). Almoradí implied the same thing in 1656 (A. M. O.: answering machine 1656, ff. 172-172v); the procession began in Valencia 1672 it was the Subrogate of the Governor of Orihuela who reported in similar terms, but blamed the municipal leaders: "This bad government causes that having been the place of three hundred residents at present, it will only be at most forty and even these cannot live and they are annihilated because the breasts that they impose on the neighbors are many and the emoluments and royalties of the university for Said cause is very few to pay the censuses and it is because the jurors who leave do not give accounts to those who enter the emoluments that they have received in their year " (A. C. A.: C. A.: Leg. 782, exp. 40/3).
(64) LL. MARIN GUIDE: Cortes…, of 1645, pp. 396 Y 393-394, respectively.
(65) Village Privilege, chapter 36 (At. supra, note 34).
(66) A. C. A. C. A.: Leg. 727, exp. 82.
(67) C. SARTHOU CARRES: Op. cit., I, p. 429.
(68) A. M. O.: answering machine 1677, f. 353.
(69) A. DOMINGUEZ ORTIZ: Op. cit., p. 83.
